I hope you will join in on the discussion...
We will kick off the show and follow on with additional shows, hopefully once a week, on The List of 45...one at a time.
1) US acceptance of coexistence as the only alternative to atomic war
What does this mean, the term “coexistence? And why would this equate to the only alternative to atomic war? And what does it mean by US acceptance? And why would acceptance by the US be so overly important.
In 1994, William C Martel and William T Pendley, wrote “Nuclear Coexistence: Rethinking US Policy to Promote Stability in an Era of Proliferation”.
Both men are scholars in their fields and their credentials overshadow any and all moonbats. They are deeply involved in the Air War College and Pendley served in the Clinton White House.
They both go pretty deep into the absolute need for the US to lead the charge in securing the safety of the world by un-noticed, un-secured nuclear weapons from the break-up of the USSR.
When the USSR fell apart, three Soviet Satellites became instant Nuclear powers; the Ukraine, Kazakhstan and Belarus. Belarus and Kazakhstan are no more nuclear powers in that their arsenals have been eliminated and have agreed to the rulings and guidelines of the NPT. The Ukraine says hell no because they fear Russia will steal them again.
And why is this important? Because the US is THE super-power now and we MUST ensure no one else has nuke capability. But, HOW did we get to this point?
The Foreign Affairs web site has a great article about how Carter had this grand vision to make a breakthrough with the USSR but he failed miserably.
The below snippet is from: Adam Ulam
From Foreign Affairs, America and the World 1978
“…There were other, more subjective reasons for America's new leaders to feel that they would succeed where their predecessors had faltered. Despite all the evidence that if anything the opposite is true, the American public and politicians have never quite gotten over the belief that the communists prefer to deal with people whose political orientation is, well, call it progressive, rather than conservative. "I go to see Mr. Khrushchev in Vienna. I go as the leader of the greatest revolutionary country on earth," said John Kennedy in 1961. In a sense he was right, yet it did not help him much on that occasion with Khrushchev. In 1977 it was still felt that the Soviets should react positively to the fact that the U.S. government was now in the hands of those who had been critical of our past involvements with foreign reactionaries, who had pledged to cut defenses pending and who promised to pull US troops out of South Korea…”
We are still in South Korea.
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